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Media Forums The Uganda Useless Elite Class Yoweri Museveni is the Biggest Parasite in Uganda

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    50 years of Ugandan independence
    British rule over Uganda came to an end on October 9, 1962. Half a century later, the African nation still has not made the transition to genuine democracy.

    In the early years of the 20th century, Winston Churchill, Britain’s World War Two prime minister, described Uganda as the pearl of Africa. These days it is regarded as one of the more politically stable countries on the continent. In spite of corruption, annual economic growth has clocked in regularly at between five and seven percent and large oil deposits hold out the prospect of even greater riches. Uganda has won international recognition for its large troop contingent participating in the African Union’s peace mission in Somalia. And yet the pearl is not as bright as once was.

    Uganda is engaged in AU peacekeeping in Somalia
    One cannot refer to Uganda as a democracy. Following the brutal regimes of Milton Obote and Idi Amin, power is now in the hands of President Yoweri Museveni where it has rested for the last 26 years. Observers described last year’s election as free, but not fair. Victory at the polls for the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) was only achieved by generous election promises and an expensive campaign, funded from state coffers.

    Milton Obote was prime minister from 1962 to 1966, president from 1966 to 1971 and from 1980 to 1985
    Sarah Tangen heads the Kampala branch of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, a German think tank. She views political life in Uganda with some skepticism. “Uganda is not a de facto democracy,” she told DW, “it is a pseudo democracy with authoritarian traits.”

    The military-style police are brutal and they assist and protect the government rather than the people. This is reflected in the poor reputation the police have in the population at large.

    Idi Amin was Uganda’s military dictator and president from 1971 to 1979. He deposed Milton Obote.
    Tangen says corruption is another of the country’s problems. “There are a large number of paramilitary organizations that operate outside the law,” she says.

    Powerful president, divided opposition

    President Yoweri Museveni has run Uganda since he came to power in 1986. When he was taking the oath of office, he said that Africa’s problem was that its leaders stayed in power for too long, thereby encouraging impunity, corruption and cronyism. When journalists remind him about his length of time in office, he replies evasively “It’s a question of fighting.” Museveni said he has been fighting his country’s problems since 1971, in other words since Idi Amin seized power. “We fought for 16 long years, do you expect me to give up half way? Because we are still fighting, not in the bush but in the government. I am not talking about power, I am talking about the struggle.”

    Museveni sees the presidency as a life-long mission. He believes he must adopt tough measures to stop the country from sliding into chaos. The reason why he is still in power is because the opposition is divided, it lacks a coherent political strategy. It has failed to win the support of the masses, even though the country has seen anti-government protests against high food prices, corruption and social inequality.

    At the crossroads for half a century

    Kizza Besigye, formerly Museveni’s personal physician, is the country’s strongest opposition leader. He believes his country has made progress on infrastructure and the economy generally, but not in its political life. Fifty years after independence, Uganda is still at the crossroads, Besigye says. “We still haven’t succeeded in making the transition to a stable, democratic society. In those 50 years, there hasn’t been one single head of state who has handed over power to his successor peacefully,” he added.

    Democratic rights may be written into the constitution, but the reality is rather different. The right of assembly has been drastically curtailed. Permission for demonstrations is often denied on the flimsiest of pretexts, protests are brutally put down by “security forces”.

    Rights groups persistently voice concern over the discrimination of sexual minorities in Uganda
    Agnes Kabajuni works for the rights group Amnesty International in Uganda. “We are very concerned by the many human rights violations that take place here,” she says.

    Beacons of hope

    The government adopts a antagonistic attitude to NGOs like Amnesty International. Activists who campaign for the rights of sexual minorities bear the brunt of such hostility. One of the country’s best known gay rights activists, David Kato, was murdered last year. The culprits haven’t even been found, let alone put on trial or convicted. Kato was instrumental in ensuring that draft legislation which envisaged the death penalty for gays and lesbians was eventually dropped.

    It was also pressure from the international community that forced the regime to abandon this draconian bill. Such pressure is still needed. “We need support, urgently.” said Clare Byarugaba from the NGO Civil Society Coalition, which fights for gay rights in Uganda. “We believe that draft law was scrapped because the government was worried about its image,” the young activist believes.

    The majority of Ugandans are under the age of 20. The only president they have ever known is Museveni and they are calling for their rights with increasing self-confidence. Young parliamentarians are also starting to become more vocal in their criticism of the regime, which is a sign of hope in the former pearl of Africa.


    How MPs plan to remove age limit at Kyankwanzi

    The NRM MPs retreat at the National Leadership Institute Kyankwanzi next month is expected to discuss and endorse a proposal to remove the 75-year-age limit that stands in the way of President Museveni and re-election in 2021.

    Well-placed sources say a plan to remove the age obstacle from the Constitution has been in the works since the collapse of Nakifuma MP Robert Kafeero Ssekitooleko’s attempt to table a private member’s bill in September last year.

    Officially, the bill aimed to raise the retirement age of judges and give electoral commissioners an extended tenure, but unofficially it was believed to be a ruse for the introduction of an amendment to abolish Article 102(b) that makes it unconstitutional for President Museveni to seek re-election in 2021 given that he will have turned 75 years old.

    Yoweri Museveni addressing NRM MPs last year at Kyankwanzi

    The Nakifuma MP’s move collapsed on September 13, 2016 after Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga directed that the motion be shelved until government tables an omnibus bill with all constitutional amendments therein.

    Ssekitooleko is now part of a group of MPs reported to be working with a retired army officer serving in cabinet on a motion expected to be tabled during the 10-day NRM caucus retreat at NALI, Kyankwanzi.

    The MPs involved are said to include John Bosco Lubyaayi (Mawokota South), Simeo Nsubuga (Kassanda North), former FDC treasurer Anita Among (Bukedea Woman), Arinaitwe Rwakajara (Workers), Peter Ogwang (Usuk) and Jacob Oboth-Oboth (West Budama South).

    It is understood that this working committee has met several times at Kati Kati restaurant, Serena Kampala hotel and at the said minister’s office. During some of these meetings, selected NRM MPs and some NRM-leaning independents were invited and mobilised to support the move.

    According to our source, the architects plan to handle the project the way minister of state for Investment Evelyn Anite approached the sole candidacy resolution in February 2014 to shield President Museveni from internal electoral competition.

    Asked to confirm his role in the effort, Nsubuga said he was not party to such a move.

    “Let’s wait for Kyankwanzi but I know nothing… I am just a committed cadre of the party ready for any assignment from the party leadership, but as far as that [proposed motion] is concerned, I don’t know anything,” Nsubuga said.

    Meanwhile, another group of MPs has launched an open campaign against the removal of the presidential age-limit clause from the Constitution. Among them is Kisoro municipality MP Sam Byibesho, who told The Observer on Thursday that any attempts to change the Constitution must involve all Ugandans.

    “We suspect that they are bringing it [for discussion] at Kyankwanzi but we are saying, this is a matter that must be discussed freely and openly,” Byibesho said.

    “I believe that there are some articles in the Constitution which must be changed, and they may use that chance to change even this one on the age limit. It must go to a referendum [instead of using the caucus], all stakeholders must be involved,” Byibesho added.

    NRM MPs at Kyankwanzi

    Interviewed on Wednesday, government chief whip Ruth Nankabirwa said no MP has approached her about a motion to amend the age-limit clause.

    “I am in charge of the retreat’s programme and no one has approached me over the things you are talking about,” she said.
    “I can tell you it is a fixed 10-day programme with presentations from people we have invited from outside Uganda. Will it [age-limit removal] be discussed over lunch or at the campfire?” Nankabirwa wondered.

    The chief whip declined to discuss details of the retreat’s programme but said one of the facilitators is from Ethiopia.

    The retreat, which had originally been scheduled for March 12 to 18, was called off after Speaker of Parliament Rebecca Kadaga declined to send MPs on recess until the budget process has been completed.

    Sadab Kitatta Kaaya


    Dr. Kiiza Besigye does not tolerate different points of view

    Dear Col. (rtd) Dr Kizza Besigye,

    In your interview with one of the local English papers, you insinuated that in my earlier interview with the same paper, l was trying to speak on behalf of president Mugisha Muntu, yet I am not his spokesperson, and that Muntu is competent to speak for himself.

    I’m writing this letter to you directly to let you know that l gave my views in my personal capacity. I hold no position in FDC but l have views based on experience in leadership on a fairly long period of reading, observing and in some cases practices.

    You stated that in 1999, you approached some of us to leave the Movement and when we failed; you decided to start the work of ‘heavy lifting’ to remove the dictatorship and that you left the Movement for that purpose.

    For how long will this ‘heavy lifting be a personal obligation and mission? The fact is that you did not leave the Movement; you just run for the office of the President under the Movement system. There were some members who moved a motion that Mr President be declared a sole candidate in 2000. Some of those movers are now victims of that thinking, some of us openly opposed this move and argued that you were free to stand. We even advised against the efforts to have you arrested and victimised. Your ‘entasiima’.

    By the way, to refresh your memory, just 10 years earlier in 1989, you led a team to draft a resolution for a constitutional amendment to extend NRM rule and hence the leadership of President Museveni for an extra five years which was passed.

    Then you were the most trusted confidant of the NRM leadership. Only a sole voice, Omulongo Waswa Ziritwawula opposed this move and resigned his seat in Parliament in protest. If you had joined him to fight the nascent ‘dictatorship’, perhaps the course of history of this country would have been different.

    We may recall that when the Constitution was being amended to remove term limits, there were many clear voices in and outside Parliament who opposed it and some paid and are still paying a price. Not everyone succumbed to money offers. This was before FDC was formed. And FDC was not founded by a single individual or group. It was a culmination of efforts by several groups and tendencies, to forge a common home for a common effort and purpose.

    You may recall my long discussion with you in South Africa in 2004. Many others did visit you. Learn to appreciate that there were other strugglers before you then and there are many others now.

    The issues that concern you that I raised in that interview and which l still hold were;
    1. You had turned on your word as recorded live on NTV and many other forms of media.

    2. That you had not supported your successor Gen. Mugisha Muntu

    3. That you had set up parallel structures and centres of power.
    I can now add that you don’t easily tolerate different points of view and you don’t genuinely welcome and accommodate those who hold a different point of view. Case in a point, during the Namboole delegates conference in 2010 that elected you for the second term as president, Hon. Wandera Martin was publically announced that he had been appointed unopposed as secretary for labour.

    Later on at the first NEC meeting at party headquarters, a meeting you chaired, it was raised that actually there were other people who had been nominated but papers not presented. To cut the long story short, Wandera was dropped and replaced by another person. The real reason, he had supported Muntu. Wandera is alive.

    My brother Besigye, you are free to change your mind and you are entitled to run again, but if you do so, say so and why, rather than attacking people who raise that issue as you did in the interview referred to above. You actually state in the same interview that you stood because of the trust voters have in you that is not transferable to another candidate of the same party.

    You also pointed that there was a deficit in that trust in your absence and that there was insufficient resolve by leaders in your absence to fight for reforms. Did you really think through this? If you did and it’s true, then your style and content of leadership raises concern. Please learn to respect and appreciate the contribution of others however small or insufficient from your point of view.

    If it’s personal to you as if new voters have not come on board and some in the old voters register passed on, then this is in itself failed leadership. When you stepped down, I told some leaders at that time that you had stepped down tacticfully in order to come back with a bang as flag bearer. So your coming back was not a surprise to me, what surprised was the spurious reasons you advanced.

    You started a parallel sect dubbed ‘activists’ from the top to the districts level. I will not delve into its activities. My view is that a leader’s role is to reconcile and harmonise different points of view in order to advance a common goal and purpose. Styles of struggle will always be there in any organised society. We should also learn to tolerate different points of view and respond to them without insinuations.

    Finally, let me make it clear to all concerned that whoever gets elected and in spite of the attacks and labels put against me by some of your ardent supporters and campaign handlers, we shall support the party and its leadership at all levels.

    Nuwe Amanya Mushega


    After 31years in power we still have a president who does this..seriously who advises this man???at times am tempted to think these are pictures of Dolibondo the comedian!!This is the worst president Uganda has ever had.


    You can bring cameras, buy more weaponry, recruit more army personnels, but…if people loose trust in your government, you can’t stay,
    Abantu kasita bakuta, oba ogenze, however much you kill, detain people, finally you have to go.
    Mr. Museveni should seriously think of dropping the thing immediately, i know it is painful for him to swallow his pride, how dare him hand over power to wolves? after all he has the army….but he has to go, not later, but sooner.
    The struggle must continue…


    Many years ago, in the 1990s, I was a small boy that carried aspirations of becoming a Roman Catholic priest. I had crossed paths with priests and they had become part of my circles in one way or another. I always believed that the most intelligent people in this world were the priests and this led me on to a knowledge-hunting expedition each time I had the chance to interact with the priest outside Church. One such priest that I interacted a lot with was Rev. Fr. Steve Collins, a veteran Scot priest that resided at Lourdel House in Nsambya. By 1997, he celebrated 50 years of priesthood, having spent over 40 of those years in the pearl of Africa.

    Fr. Collins once gave me a 20-minute lecture on corruption. His words are still fresh in my memory, as if told to me yesterday. I will reproduce them below

    “Leonard, never support corruption in all its forms. Corruption is more dangerous than HIV/AIDS. Corruption is more deadly than Cancer. Cancer is now the leading threat to life in the Developed world.

    When a country accepts corruption to thrive, it will eat it to the marrow. Corruption eats up the moral fibre of that society in the same way Cancer and HIV/AIDS eat up a person. First, you can think its only the man collecting taxes in the market that just wants to survive because his salary is small, then you extend the same reason to the traffic policeman and you extrapolate it further to the lowly-paid nurse in public hospital and to the teacher. At this point Corruption has made an entry into the critical organs of the state.

    When corruption enters the health-care system, it increases deaths of important and aged personalities who may take long to realise that corruption could have afforded them timely health-care. When it enters the education system, it has now matured to the level of a cancer that starts eating up the blood stream or nervous system. All products of that education will be corrupt! It will only take another 20 years for corruption to eat up the entire society and nobody will be safe in that country. Even the beneficiaries of corruption will no longer be safe.

    At that point, the criminal justice system will be so rotten that criminals will be untouchable, but will not even spare their Godfathers. The education system will be rotten to the marrow. The taxes collected from the citizens will be stolen and nobody will be bothered. The health-care system will cater for the highest bidder. The poor will be poorer, but they too will have corrupted minds. There will be a new class of rich men and women as a result of corruption. Hard-work will be despised. The confidence in the banking system will be no more. The media will no longer be reliable. The Church will be ripe for another reformation and many false religions and cults will spring up. Prayers and blessings will be traded for money. Parents will be buying babies instead of producing them. People will no longer tell their true age. People will change names anyhow. There will be no sense of belonging and no sense of pride in tribe, faith nor country.

    Leonard, pray that your good country Uganda never gets to this level of corruption.”

    Ladies and Gentlemen, by 1997-1998, when murmurs of a Minister stealing billions of UPE funds with impunity progressed to the corridors and floor of Parliament, we had officially began the journey of accepting corruption in the Education sector. This was happening after the dismissal of Ongom from UNEB because of rampant Exam malpractice and the practice of coaching and holiday teaching were taking root in schools. This time coincided with chilling stories of obscene sums stolen from the ‘privatisation’ gamble by Government. We also had the ADF rebels in Kasese. Then there was the never-dying story of Maj. Gen. David Tinyefunza trying to exit the military because of revealing to Parliament that the war in Northern Uganda was not ending because corrupt commanders were profiteering from it.

    Am afraid that 20 years after I heard those words of Fr. Collins, we seem to have reached that obscene level of corruption. The corrupt system in the country has now entrenched itself in all sectors especially the critical ones. The Justice, Law and Order sector is guilty of stinking corruption that on one day a known murderer is working with Police to fight crime and on another day, he is back at his vice. The corruption has turned the criminal justice system into some sort of criminal injustice system, which the criminals are not even scared of.

    Ladies and Gentlemen, corruption has allowed the criminals to go about their business unhindered and it is the real reason behind the assassinations. Surveillance Cameras, tough-talking IGP and President, Condemnation of the murders from the elite members of Parliament and judicial officers will not stop these assassinations at all. The only way to guarantee the security of lives and property is to deal with the vice of corruption that has eaten up our society.

    May God help us!
    Egesa Ronald Leonard”


    I wish I was a mercenary sniper on a bodaboda bike fleeing to fight..
    I wish I was trained in the use of bullets that draw blood and take life.
    I would shoot to kill all our bad leaders, leaving them dead as night.
    I would reclaim my vote, reclaim our wealth, and end citizen strife.
    I say, let the dead bury their dead!
    How many dead men did the AGIP leave dead?
    I swear I am too tired to mock the dead.
    He joined all the innocent whose blood he shed.
    He was a gentleman who ensured that many came to a sad end.
    I have no more crocodile tears to shed or unfelt sympathies to send.
    And so I will keep collecting menstrual pads to address girls’ plight.
    If I cannot draw blood from men using a sniper in order to end strife
    I will instead engage the citizen masses in another civilian fight.
    I will show the fucking regime how sanitary pads change a girl’s life!



    shortly after Kaweesi was shot dead , Kanyamunyu was granted bail!


    Felix Kaweesi burial: Mourners stuck in Kyazanga over poor roads.


    For us here in Buganda. Every one of you is our brother. No matter your color, tribe or race. And pliz no IDIOT atalina nakyaalya should ever tell you that your not a MUGANDA. Muli Baganda kakete. The only password is you just speak Luganda and love our Kabaka. The rest is nonsense. Olaba ne Taata Natasha muganda.


    Eating your cake and having it – a tale of Uganda’s battered journalists

    Television Journalist Andrew Lwanga was brutally battered by a District Police Commander. Inspector Joram Mugume’s brutality caused severe spinal injuries that have been treated in South Africa. The circumstances under which Lwanga was battered coupled by the weapon used and the nature of injuries he sustained constituted a more serious crime of Assault Causing Grievous Bodily Harm and Attempted Murder in alternative. Instead the police opted to charge its own with a lighter sentence of assault.

    When the incident took place, the media fraternity did not effectively show solidarity by at least laying down their tools. Instead Andrew Lwanga chose to accept financial handouts from the police and other government agencies including Museveni. Last week court convicted Inspector Joram Mwesigye and handed him a sentence of a fine of one million shillings or one year imprisonment in default. He was also ordered to pay five million shillings to the victim as compensation.

    Now Andrew Lwanga is crying foul that he was not accorded appropriate justice owing to the light sentence handed out to Inspector Mwesigye. The media body, Uganda Human Rights Network for Journalists (UHRNJ) has come out strongly to condemn the lighter sentence handed out to the accused. It is calling for the dismissal of Inspector Mwesigye from the Police force. It has joined the victim in crying for the 20M shillings that was promised by Museveni but only received only 7M shillings and the 5M shillings that was promised by the police but only paid 1M.

    UHRNJ is threatening to lodge an appeal against the sentence and is questioning the professional conduct of the police Surgeon, Dr. Emmaul Nuwamanya who conducted the medical examination on Andrew Lwanga before making a finding of simple assault. UHRNJ forgets that it not by accident that the Police Surgeons are Dr. Byaruhanga and Dr. Nuwamanya and not Dr. Onzivua who was criminalized for ‘stealing the body parts of the late Cerina Nabanda (M.P). Overall, since when did victims of crime accept financial handouts from their tormentors while the matter is before courts of law!!!! No wonder, moreover after the Magistrate reading out the sentence, the accused police commander flashed a thumb up sign of the Museveni regime.

    The suspect enjoyed the full protection of the regime that influenced the sentence and all the court fines will be paid from the police budget. Even if the police are pushed into dismissing its commander from the force, he will be reposted to a more lucrative position because job security is part of the terms of regime sponsored brutality.

    Now that a cheap price tag has been placed on battering of Journalists, just last week a superintendent of Police, Muhindo attached to Nkozi police station in Mpigi district led a group of Crime Preventers who brutally assaulted two New Vision Journalists and destroyed their cameras. The police officer has been suspended and we are yet to see how much compromise in terms of cash the victims will accept from the Police.

    Last week a one Mubarak Kalenge of KCCA was kidnapped by armed regime security agents, detained in unknown place and tortured before he was dumped by the roadside in the city suburb. Under the police guard, he is undergoing treatment for serious injuries that he sustained during the nasty ordeal. The same police have ordered his family members not to disclose to the public any information pertaining to his ordeal or nature of injuries sustained and the subsequent medical treatment he is being offered. This move is designed to provide a cover-up for the excesses of the rogue regime security operatives. To the family of Mubarak Kalenge; your acceptance to be silenced is a betrayal to your fellow country men and women.

    The other day the family of Rhona Katusabe who had been murdered by a District Police Commander was compromised into urging the prosecutor authority not to commence criminal proceedings. Lawyers have been battered by the police in the course of their duties to dispense justice as officers of court but the entire legal fraternity has kept silent. Medical workers have not been spared either. Members of the public transport sector have been harassed, tortured, maimed and in some cases arbitrarily killed but silence is the order of the day. It’s that kind of silence and compromise that is breeding impunity among security officers who are not deterred in their resolve to batter, maim, torture, kidnap and kill their victims. You can either eat your cake or have it but not both.


    A few days ago, social media was awash with reports of Museveni training anti-Kagame Rwandese fighters. They quoted an online news outlet affiliated to the Kigali regime’s security circles. The Museveni Army’s Spokesman brushed off the reports as baseless and both the Kampala and Kigali regimes have not formally commented on the matter.

    To accurately analyse the above development, one ought to take note of the following facts: –

    1. The Kigali regime is dominated by Rwandese Tutsi who had for three decades stayed in Uganda as refugees. They participated in the Museveni Bush War that brought him to power in 1986. In 1990, with Museveni’s help the Rwandese refugees in the army attacked Rwanda. They fought for four years culminating into the 1994 Genocide and eventual dislodgement of the Hutu from power.

    2. Pasteur Bizimungu, a Hutu was made the figure head President while the more powerful Paul Kagame became the Vice President and Minister of Defence. During the First Congo War, Museveni, Kagame and Burundi’s Buyoya worked closely to overthrow Zaire’s Mubutu. However, during the 2nd Congo War Museveni and Kagame disagreed and their armies fought three rounds of fierce battles in the Congolese city of Kisangani in which Museveni was humiliated.

    3. Following the Kisangani humiliation, the conflict was brought to the respective capitals. Museveni accused Rwanda of financing Dr. Besigye’s presidential campaigns during the 2001 elections before
    declaring it an enemy state. Museveni elevated Gen. Kaziini to take charge of the army with a sole mission of a full-scale invasion of Rwanda. Senior army officers from both sides defected to each others capitals and were facilitated for dissident activities by their respective hosts. A bloody confrontation was only thwarted by the intervention and mediation of the then UK foreign Secretary, Claire Short.

    Both countries were compelled to relocate the renegade army officers to the USA and Sweden. A Joint Monitoring and Verification mechanism was put in place. The emergence of Gen. Aronda and Gen. Kayihura at the helm of Museveni’s security forces played a major role in cementing relations.

    4. Kagame overthrew Bizimungu and became the President but Museveni did not like it because he preferred the former who whom he could give orders. On the surface of it, relations seemed to have improved. While Kagame broke all relations with Uganda’s opposition, Museveni maintained relations with Rwandese dissidents. While Kagame had an upper hand in terms of tactical intelligence, Museveni beat him on strategic intelligence. He managed to infiltrate and antagonise Kagame with his top Generals and confidants like Karegyeya and Kayumba.

    Dissident Rwandese activists continue to enjoy residential and free movement in Uganda. Uganda hosts thousands of Rwandese refugees but interestingly some dissidents have been forcefully returned to Rwanda with full connivance of Museveni’s security apparatus. The M23 is a joint venture by Museveni and Kagame. When they were flushed out of eastern DRC they found sanctuary in both Uganda and Rwanda from where they have been helped by their hosts to sneak back into Congo for resumption of rebellion. The presence in Uganda of a prominent Rwandese dissident and financier of dissident activities, Filbert Rujugiro as a top investor in the tobacco industry is a matter of concern for Kigali.

    5. Museveni’s recent appointment of Col. Kandiho as Chief of Military Intelligence yet it is an open secret that he had been the security custodian of Rwandese dissidents when he was head of the antiterrorism agency (JATT) is interesting. The most recent bouncing back of senior military
    intelligence officers to take up strategic positions is a subject of serious interrogation. Col. James Kaija had been in long service as the western Uganda based 2nd Division Intelligence Officer during the days of heightened tension. He is well versed with Uganda/Rwanda/Congo border security and a close friend of Rwandese dissident, Gen. Nyamwasa. He has been brought back from distributing seeds to CMI to head the Defence Engagements.

    Col. Damulira, who during the days of heightened tensions was manning Karandi/Operation Romeo (Rwanda Desks) under CMI, has been brought back from distributing seeds to CMI to head the strategic Counter Intelligence. Shortly before, Brig. Karemire and Col. Mbonye who are historically close to the Kigali establishment were dislodged from the positions of Deputy CMI. In the same regard by appointing Col. Paddy Ankunda as the Director of Strategic Communication at CMI, Brig. Karemire is being restricted from speaking for and accessing CMI.

    6. Kagame’s effective management style that has put Rwanda on the world map is a source of envy by Museveni. Museveni’s poor performance is always subjected to comparison with Kagame by Ugandans.

    Therefore, like is the case with South Sudan, Somalia, Congo and Burundi, Museveni would so much wish to see a failed Rwanda state so that he is called upon to find solutions for it. Kagame must be
    concerned by the growing political dissent by Ugandans against the Museveni regime. He is also concerned by the growing animosity by Ugandans against Rwandese in Uganda who are associated with Museveni’s repressive and thieving regime.

    Given its small geographical size, Rwanda can’t afford an exodus of Rwandese from Uganda into Rwanda in the event Museveni is violently dislodged from power. In this regard, Kagame feels that a friendly post Museveni government would be in Rwanda’s best interest. However, there is no public information about Kigali’s intent to cause a regime change in Uganda that would call for a corresponding action by Kampala.

    7. No 6 above not withstanding, it is a fact that individual players within Uganda’s pro-change may resort to using arms to dislodge Museveni. To achieve this, they will need an external base in the form of a ‘hostile’ neighboring country. This is the scenario that Museveni has been struggling to avert by pushing for an East African Community federation and the EAC Standby Force. Assuming the alleged fresh Museveni/Kagame fall out turns out to have been a hoax, its motive would be to lure such desperate individual pro-change activists into seeking the aid of Rwanda for an armed option. That way they would fall into a trap. On the contrary, if the fall out is real, then it’s good news. However, where can Museveni hide his alleged hostile activities against Rwanda because Kagame’s roving eye is in every corner of Uganda?????


    Am still leaving in disbelieve that We (37,000,000 Ugandans) have paid heavy taxes in all its simplest forms to finance training of criminals in disguise of our own security. If Mr. Museveni was serious with his claim when he accurately put it that “The police is full of criminals,they are intimidating and killing witnesses, i ask you to clean up the police because my people are fearing to report cases, they fear that you will instead get them in trouble when they report to police” – M7 speaking at Kaweesi’s home in Kulambiro.

    Is it true, police is full of criminals? Do we need to continue paying tuition, up keep and all other form to police trainees in all police training school in Uganda? If the training schools are passing out criminals why don’t we prevail over them. Who and which advisor advised the president to score a goal in his own net?


    National Resistance Movement (NRM) declared the 2nd most corrupt political party in the world by the BBC.

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